This report shows that tanker access to the TMX Westridge Marine Terminal has been severely under-utilized for years, effectively challenging the notion that tarsands producers are suffering from lack of access to tidewater.
Renewable, Sustainable Energy is about to replace fossil fuels, oil, gas and coal, as a more cost effective energy replacement, creating more jobs and economic benefits. The Kinder Morgan Trans Mountain pipeline is soon to become a relic of the past and should not be built. read
Solar can already generate more energy than oil, says major scientific review
And is twice as powerful than previously thought. While the world has been going fossil, solar has quietly tipped over the edge and kicked oil and gas off the cliff of history.
Report Compiled by Liz McDowell, Tarah Stafford and Felicity Lawong
Conversations for Responsible Economic Development (CRED)
British Columbia is leading economic growth in Canada, largely due to a diverse and thriving economy. Extractive industries, including oil and gas, play a surprisingly small role. The biggest sectors are real estate, construction and wholesale and retail trade.
Despite regional variation, Canada’s economy has some clear parallels to BC. Wholesale and retail trade and construction are thriving nationally, and the majority of the country’s jobs are found in wholesale and retail trade and the health sector, like in BC. Even before the price of oil began its steep decline in 2014, this sector was responsible for just 1% of employment across Canada, and provided very low tax contributions. It is the finance and insurance industries, as well as the manufacturing sector, that contribute the largest tax revenues toward social services.
The federal government has been faced with a difficult decision on whether or not to invest in the Kinder Morgan pipeline. Our analysis shows that the pipeline would create few jobs, minimal tax revenues and would not impact energy security or guarantee a long-term solution to Alberta’s ailing economy. The pipeline also comes with the additional concerns (and costs) of an oil spill. Beyond the direct clean-up costs, the indirect economic impacts would be long lasting, impacting sectors from tourism to agriculture.
It’s crucial that the federal government reject the KM pipeline and instead support sectors in BC that create family- sustaining jobs, make significant tax contributions, insulate the regional economy from boom-and-bust cycles, and promote economic growth compatible with Canada’s national climate commitments.
Our key findings:
- BC Jobs: Technology, tourism, construction, film and television each create more jobs than oil, gas, and mining combined.
- National trends are similar to BC: Oil and gas have a bigger role in Canada as a whole than in BC, but real estate, finance and manufacturing contribute more in federal corporate tax.
- More people across Canada work in the beer economy than in the oil sands.
- The proposed Kinder Morgan pipeline would only create 50 permanent jobs and generate an insignificantamount of taxes federally and provincially in BC.
- A large oil spill could have a $1.2 billion impact on BC’s economy.
- Canada’s emissions growth between 1990 and 2014 was driven primarily by increased emissions from mining and upstream oil and gas production and transport. Now that Canada has committed to a national climate plan, emissions from extractive sectors must be taken into consideration when considering project approvals.
- Labour market outlook: Neither activity nor employment in Canada’s oil and gas industry will recover to levels prior to 2014’s steep decline in the industry.
By John Dillon
Ecological Economy Program Coordinator
KAIROS Policy Briefing Papers are written to help inform public debate on key domestic and foreign policy issues
As the newly elected Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau handed mandate letters to all cabinet ministers that stated: “No relationship is more important to me and to Canada than the one with Indigenous Peoples. It is time for a renewed, nation-to-nation relationship with Indigenous Peoples, based on recognition of rights, respect, co-operation, and partnership.” His letter to Dr. Carolyn Bennett, the Minister of Indige- nous and Northern Affairs, also included as a first pri- ority “to implement recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, starting with the implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.”
From the beginning of the new government’s man- date there was always the potential for conflict be- tween these commitments to Indigenous rights and the Liberal Party platform promising “Our plan will de- liver the economic growth and jobs Canadians need, and leave to our children and grandchildren a country even more … sustainable … than the one we have now.”1
The day is fast approaching when Prime Minister Trudeau and his government will have to choose be- tween their promises to respect Indigenous rights and their preference for large resource projects and fossil fuel export pipelines to grow the economy.
Social Science Research Network
Craig Forcese University of Ottawa – Common Law Section
Kent Roach University of Toronto – Faculty of Law
Leah Sherriff University of Toronto
February 27, 2015
Canada’s system of national security “oversight” is imperfect. Its system of national security “review” is frayed, perhaps to the breaking point. The government’s anti-terrorism law, bill C-51, will accelerate this pattern. Without a serious course correction, we risk the prospect of avertable security service scandals.
There is often a misunderstanding about the distinction between ”oversight” and ”review.”
In Canadian practice, oversight is usually an executive branch function. This system has not always worked the Air India Commission suggested (and the government rejected) new centralized oversight systems for reconciling competing national security interests.
C-51 does not introduce new reforms in this area. The government instead points to judicial warrants authorizing the new CSIS powers a form of oversight. But this is, at best, a partial form of oversight. CSIS will not always require warrants. Judges will issue warrants in secret proceeding in which only the government side is represented. Nor will they always know what is then done in their name. There is no formal ”feedback” loop between CSIS and the judge concerning the execution of the warrant, a key concern where (as with CSIS warrants) the conduct is covert and the warrant never disclosed.